# Making Sense of Polls - Part 1

I'm a huge fan of fivethirtyeight (really I read almost every article written), and I think they do a great job of interpreting poll results. However, I do notice that the process in which they compile the results is tedious. Some of the tediousness, like collecting poll results, is inevitable. However, other work including figuring out which polls are reliable and how to interpret polls across different states seems like it might be automatable. I took a stab at this automation using data that fivethirtyeight compiled, which has gathered polling data for various state and national elections three weeks before the election date. This was about 6200 polls, which is a relatively small sample to train a machine learning model on.

I've identified some key points that need to be figured out for any election forecast:

1) *How to combine poll results (assuming all polls are good).* This will be some form of a moving average, but what kind of moving average taken is up for debate.

2) *How to decide which polls are good.* Dishonest polls are a problem. If a pollster is partisan, there needs to be a way to take into account.

3) *Estimating the uncertainty in the combined polls*. The sampling error is relatively small for most polls, but if pollsters choose not to publish a poll if it disagrees with the conventional wisdom, this can introduce bias. There is also uncertainty about how undecided voters and third-party voters will swing.

4) *How to determine correlations in the polls.* That is, if a candidate performs worse than the polling average would suggest in Pennsylvania, there is likely to be a similar pattern in Wisconsin.

The last issue was tricky, and will not be covered here, but the first three issues are discussed in this post.

I tackle the problem as a time series prediction problem. That is, given a time series (when the polls happen and their results) I want to predict the outcome of the election. This time series can be interpreted as a sequence of events, which means recurrent neural networks (RNNs) are well-suited to solve the problem. RNNs even handle different-length sequences quite naturally, which is a plus as this is awkward to encode into useful input for other types of models like a tree-based model.

I use the data before 2014 as a training set and 2014 as a validation set. Once I've tuned all the parameters on 2014, I retrain the model with both the training and validation set and predict for 2016 presidential races.

In this post, I tackle the problem of predicting individual races, instead of whole elections (or the entire presidential race, which is equally complex). For each poll, I compile a set of information about the polls:

• How each candidate in the race polled, in order of democrat, republican, and highest polling third party candidate, if available. The ordering is relevant as I account for the political preferences of polls.

• The number of days before the election that the poll was conducted¹.

• The sample size of the poll².

• The partisan leaning of the polling agency, if known

• Whether a live caller was used to conduct the poll (default to false if unknown).

• Whether the poll is an Internet poll (default to false if unknown).

• Whether the pollster is a member of the NCPP, AAPOR, or Roper organizations.

• Of polls conducted before the poll, the percentile of the number of polls the pollster has conducted relative to all other pollsters. The intuition here is that agencies that do one poll are not very reliable, whereas agencies that have done many polls probably are.

All of this information is collected into a single vector, which I will call the poll information. I then take all polls of the same race previous to that poll and make an ordered list of the poll informations, which is the sequence that is the input to the neural network model.

With this as input, I have the neural network predict the ultimate margin of the election. I do not include any sense of "year" as input to the neural network as I wish the model to extrapolate on this variable and hence I do not want the model to overfit to any trends there may be in this variable. I use three LSTM layers with 256 units followed by two fully connected layers with 512 neurons. The output layer is one neuron that predicts the final margin of the election. Mean squared error is used as the loss function. I initialize all weights randomly (using the keras defaults), but there might be a benefit to initialize by transfer learning from an exponentially weighted moving average.

I use dropout at time of prediction as a way to get an estimate of the error in the output of the model. The range where 90% of predictions lie using different RNG seeds for the dropout gives a confidence interval³. To calibrate the *amount* of dropout to apply after each layer, I trained the model on a training set (polls for elections before 2014) and tested different levels of dropout on the validation set (the 2014 election). I find the percentile of the ground truth election result within the Monte Carlo model predictions⁴. Thus, a perfectly calibrated model would have a uniform distribution of the percentile of ground truth election results within the Monte Carlo model predictions. Of course, I do not expect the model to ever be perfectly calibrated, so I chose the dropout rate that minimized the KS-test statistic with the uniform distribution. This turned out to be 40%, which was comforting as this is a typical choice for dropout at training.

*A comparison of the calibration (blue) and ideal (green) CDFs for predictions on the test set. For the calibration curve, the optimal dropout of 40% is used.*

I then retrain the model using all data before 2016 (thus using both the training and validation set). I take the calibrated dropout rate and again get Monte Carlo samples for polls, using the newly trained model, on the test set. I then count the number of positive-margin Monte Carlo outputs to obtain a probability that the election swings in favor of the first party.

Applying this to a Senate race, I find that the uncertainty in election margin is sizable, around 15%. This is comparable to uncertainties obtained through other aggregation methods, but this shows that it is tough to accurately call close races just based on polls.

*Margin predicted (90% CI) by the model for the 2016 presidential election in Pennsylvania. The red line shows the actual margin.*

Though this model hasn't learned the relationships between states, I tried applying it to the 2016 presidential election. To get the probability of a candidate winning based on the polls available that day, for each state I run 1000 predictions with different RNG seeds. For each of these 1000 predictions, I add up the electoral votes the candidate would win if they had the predicted margins. The probability of the candidate winning is then the percentage of these outcomes that is below 270.

*Histograms of possible presidential election outcomes predicted by the model each day before the election. The outcomes to the left of the red line are cases that result in a Republic victory (the ultimate outcome).*

Ultimately, the model showed there was a 93% chance of Clinton winning the election on election day. This is already a more conservative estimate than what some news sources predicted.

*The probability of Clinton winning the 2016 election predicted by the model as a function of days before the election.*

Unless the 2016 election was a rare event, this shows that clearly, the model is incomplete. Relationships between how states vote compared to polling are crucial to capture. It would also be useful to include more polls in the training set to learn how to aggregate polls more effectively, and in particular, better discern which pollsters are reliable. More features, such as whether the incumbent president is running or if it is an off-year election may also add more information in the predictions. I'll explore some of these ideas in a future blog post.

Code for this blog post is available here.

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